Chapter 2530: Sea of Meetings

Wen Desi began by acknowledging Zhang Xiao's concerns. "Comrade Zhang Xiao raises a valid point—we've learned hard lessons in this regard. And if such problems can arise elsewhere, they're even more likely in Guangzhou, where our foothold remains precarious. But precisely because of this, I hope everyone will understand our position."

He turned to Wu Mu. "We all know how these past two years have gone. The Senate has been reluctant to court instability in the rear while fighting the Ming army, which has forced compromises with local power brokers. These forces have always maintained a careful distance—impossible to truly control, yet difficult to catch in anything actionable. In extraordinary times, we needn't be slaves to procedural niceties. Our plan can adapt to circumstances. Even if we arrest them all first, we can always find people willing to testify against them afterward."

The Political Security Bureau Senators were accustomed to Wen Desi's hard-line rhetoric. He had once told the Little Senators in Foshan that if circumstances demanded it, he wouldn't hesitate to annihilate the tens of thousands of people in Foshan Town.

Wu Mu gave a noncommittal response, but on the question of procedural justice, Director Zhao clearly had deeper considerations.

"If we don't want to end up like those famous enforcers in history—men whose names made children stop crying at night, only to be discarded like broken rags once their usefulness ended—we must insist on procedural justice. The groups that benefit most from 'efficient action' will inevitably distance themselves from it when convenient."

Li Zhuoxian offered his own perspective. "Consider history. Even during the Shunzhi era, when most of the country had submitted to a certain dynasty, Guangdong lingered in an awkward state of divided loyalties—half Qing, half Ming—for years. The root cause was that every stratum of Guangdong society faced agonizing choices about which way to turn. Eventually, the Qing Dynasty continued its predecessor's policies and actively courted local gentry through imperial examinations, finally winning acceptance. The transition between dynasties became seamless. But the Senate has no intention of continuing Ming policies. Even if we temporarily follow the principle of 'Xiao and Cao'—retaining existing rules in certain areas due to insufficient strength—fierce conflict with the feudal gentry is inevitable. Bloodshed will come. That said, I understand the concerns some Senators have raised. Indiscriminate 'cleansing' could generate unexpected local resistance during a future Northern Expedition. Military action requires legitimate justification. Better to uproot potential resistance in one decisive stroke."

"This is exactly the problem of wanting to have it both ways," Mu Min couldn't help but interject. The more she learned about Guangzhou society, the more she despised these feudal gentry.

"I still think a short, sharp pain is better than prolonged suffering," someone else added.

The Municipal Government team clearly didn't share President Wen's view. Liu Xiang's position was unambiguous: without conclusive evidence of a major case comparable to the Witchcraft Affair, he opposed indiscriminate "cleansing" operations.

Damn it, Zhang Xiao thought. Prefect Liu's attitude has grown strangely ambiguous. When he first arrived in Guangzhou, he was eager to fabricate charges and make fortunes raiding wealthy households. Why the sudden change of heart? Could he have developed some... unspeakable connections with the local gentry? Worth investigating...

While his mind wandered down these suspicious paths, the meeting turned to a briefing on gentry activities, specifically intelligence suggesting that Chen Bangyan might be colluding with the Flower Mountain Bandits.

Zhang Xiao knew that group well. In the old timeline's history, they had been a significant force resisting the Qing in late-Ming Guangdong. In this timeline, he had encountered their name repeatedly in newsletters and briefings—here too, they represented a potential threat to Senate rule in Guangdong, and had been the primary target of the public security rectification campaign following the capture of Guangzhou.

Yet they still existed? Though he knew the question might seem naive, he couldn't help asking: "The Flower Mountain Bandits are still active? I assumed two years of rectification campaigns would have eliminated them."

"That's precisely what I wanted to address today." Liu Xiang glanced at him. "After occupying Guangdong's prefectures and counties, we retained the Ming Dynasty's administrative divisions. Flower Mountain sits at the junction of several counties—dangerous terrain, mixed population, far from any county seat. It has always been a breeding ground for bandits, the notorious 'Three-No-Governance Land' shared by Panyu, Qingyuan, and Conghua. It only stabilized after Hua County was established separately in the early Kangxi years. The pattern of repeated suppression followed by the rapid emergence of new bandit gangs shows that our local governance still has gaps."

What Liu Xiang didn't mention was that the area lacked powerful gentry or strong clans. Without local assistance, maintaining public security in Flower Mountain at low cost was impossible. For now, they had no choice but to invest significant resources in governing it directly.

"You're proposing we add a Hua County?" Zhang Xiao grasped Liu Xiang's intention.

"Correct," Liu Xiang said. "In fact, as early as the Jiajing reign, gentry petitioned to establish a county in Flower Mountain. I propose we adapt to current needs by separating Huaning Fort, Sushan Fort, Luocun Fort, and other areas from the Sanjiang Division of Nanhai District, combining them with portions of Panyu District to form Hua County. This would strengthen administration over what is currently a lawless zone."

Liu Xiang turned to Zhang Xiao. "You have no objection? You've just arrived and already a piece of land is being carved from your jurisdiction."

Zhang Xiao waved his hand. "None at all. The waters of Nanhai run deeper than the Mariana Trench. Carve out a few more pieces if you like—it only lightens my burden."

Liu Xiang nodded. This "Pharmacist" from an industrial background had clearly done his homework. Back when Ma Qianzhu saw that the "Little Senator Social Practice" proposal would pass the Senate, he had intended for Hou Wenyong, the District Mayor of Nanhai, to concurrently serve as Director of the Foshan Economic Development Zone Management Committee, overseeing the Little Senators' internship. But Senators were psychologically reluctant to see naturalized citizen cadres giving orders to Senators—even Little Senators. That was why Ma Qianzhu had pushed Zhang Yunmi forward and transferred Hou Wenyong to replace her as Secretary-General of the Municipal Government, a move that utilized his talents appropriately. The Nanhai District Mayor position naturally fell to Liu Xiang as a concurrent duty.

Beyond the cadres drafted from Fangcaodi Academy and Middle School Division, a batch of Nanhai District cadres had also followed the Little Senator to Foshan. With this transfer, Ma Qianzhu's original plan collapsed. Liu Xiang found himself not only holding multiple posts but also short-handed, gradually becoming overwhelmed—which explained his telegram to Xiao Zishan. This "Pharmacist" had just entered the city but already demonstrated deep understanding of local conditions and brought his own team. The pressure relief was considerable. Someone capable must be advising him.

"President Wen, should we submit the regional adjustment to the Government Affairs Yuan for approval?" Liu Xiang probed Wen Desi's opinion, seeing no opposition from the participants.

"Under current regulations," Wen Desi said, "adjustments to administrative divisions at the county level and below in Guangdong and Guangxi can be decided by the Guangdong Region itself. It only needs to be reported to the Government Affairs Yuan for the record. Both sides should align their information to avoid discrepancies."

And so, after Zhang Xiao arrived in Guangzhou, he found himself submerged in meetings for three consecutive days—large meetings, small meetings, meetings of every conceivable variety, one after another. The deluge of information exceeded his brain's processing capacity.

He was no stranger to meetings from his industrial sector days, but those had been mostly technical, with occasional discussions of management and resource allocation. Attendance was typically small, and unless some breakthrough was being announced, they rarely ran long.

Here, everything was different. Every department seemed to require meetings, and as Executive Vice Magistrate of Nanhai County, he had to attend the vast majority of Guangzhou City meetings while also hosting relevant meetings for his own jurisdiction. They stretched from dawn to deep into the night.

He had originally planned to summon county cadres and local notables for individual discussions, then venture out to "walk the ground" and understand conditions at the grassroots level. Instead, after a week in Guangzhou, he had done nothing but shuttle between government offices. He hadn't set foot outside the Nanhai County Government gate. His schedule was completely full.

Though he had yet to make a public appearance, the Yangcheng Express had published relevant news on the front page the day he arrived: "Industrial Senator's Transformation Brings New Atmosphere to Local Governance." The announcement formally introduced the new Nanhai County Magistrate to the Guangzhou public. Liu Xiang also planned to personally introduce this new colleague to the Guangzhou gentry at the New Policy Lecture on the fifteenth.

Amid the endless meetings, Zhang Xiao gradually assembled a rough understanding of conditions in Guangzhou and Nanhai—particularly the cadre situation and administrative structure that concerned him most.

Cadres throughout Guangdong's prefectures and counties had studied the three volumes of the "Civil Servant Guidance Series" drafted by Lin Baiguang: Outline of County Government Administration, Guide to Government Affairs, and Common Laws and Regulations for Grassroots Government. These were compiled from his experience as a county office director, combined with various Ming and Qing-era "Guides to Being an Official" and adapted to current conditions. The general principles were sound and highly practical. But books remained books—they couldn't anticipate every conceivable governmental issue. The deployed naturalized citizen cadres varied widely in ability, and many struggled to apply policies flexibly to actual situations, resulting in frequent distortions. This contrast vividly illustrated that Senators remained the neural center of the entire Great Song; for the foreseeable future, naturalized citizen cadres could not replace them.

Nanhai's naturalized citizen cadres were reputed to be the "Strongest Lineup" in all of Guangdong, but closer examination revealed considerable padding in that claim.

The discrepancy lay in the divide between rural and urban cadres. As everyone knew, Nanhai County was attached to Guangzhou City, with the county yamen located inside the prefectural walls. But Nanhai County comprised not only the "Nanhai District" urban area but also the vast rural expanses beyond the walls. Given Guangzhou's special status, the cadre configuration for Nanhai District inside the walls was strong—top-tier experience and ability. But once you ventured into the countryside beyond the walls, the cadres' resumes became considerably less impressive.

(End of Chapter)