Chapter 2789: Peace Talks (Part 2)

The composition of these individuals was remarkably complex, comprising both local administrators and high-ranking court officials. Though none had ever truly encountered the Kun in person, they had long been hearing about and witnessing the proliferation of "Nanyang Goods." Through their intertwined networks of relationships, they had gleaned much about the Kun's words and deeds—especially after the Kun captured Guangdong and Guangxi. Officials of Guangdong and Guangxi origin serving in the Capital or elsewhere had all made every effort to contact relatives and old acquaintances in the "Enemy Occupied Areas," anxiously inquiring about the safety of their families and properties.

Once the fighting subsided, some officials even dispatched servants home to assess the situation firsthand. A few retired officials, consumed by longing for their homeland, returned directly to their native soil.

What they witnessed and learned was far more unvarnished and accurate than the news "embellished" for various purposes by interested parties and presented to the Emperor.

Their feelings and judgments certainly varied, but they understood the Kun's capabilities more clearly than anyone else.

The Kun were indeed "Barbarians"—but Barbarians utterly unlike any that had come before. Not only did they shamelessly presume to "sit as equals" with the Empire, but they also commanded devastating power.

This power filled them with awe, yet also fascinated them. The Kun's legendary ability to "turn stone into gold" was no mere fable—it was reality.

The dynasty teetered in the midst of a storm. Great Ming had endured for nearly three hundred years. Since the Ancestral Dragon Qin Shi Huang, among all past dynasties, only the Great Han—with its Guangwu Restoration—had survived beyond three centuries.

Great Ming's lifespan was nearly spent. This was something many had already come to realize.

Though the gentry had more or less prepared for the eventuality of dynastic change, the ways of the world remained unpredictable. Every change of dynasty inevitably brought intense social upheaval. Many prominent families fell into decline. "Becoming founding fathers of another dynasty" was not a destiny available to everyone. As members of the existing power structure, maintaining the current court was obviously the safer course.

The Kun were not like the peasant armies that the court had failed to suppress, nor were they like the Eastern Barbarians who could be blocked by piling up soldiers and fortresses. "Peace talks" thus became a reasonable alternative.

Such thinking had emerged even before the Mainland Strategy, though at that time the voices were relatively faint, speaking only of "amnesty"—similar to what had been offered to Zheng Zhilong.

Now Xiong Wencan, huddled in a corner of Guangxi, had seriously contemplated this matter and dispatched emissaries multiple times to attempt contact with the Senate.

As the Senate's Mainland Strategy unfolded, Great Ming's defenses collapsed completely along the Guangdong and Guangxi battle lines. Combined with the ravages of peasant armies and the Manchus entering through the Pass, under the crushing pressure of these three forces, calls for "peace talks" and "pacification" naturally rose within the battered and exhausted court.

"...These people are led by Vice Minister of War Wang Yehao—that is, Shi Weng."

"Unexpectedly, Shi Weng's vision proves to be quite astute."

"Only natural. His understanding of our strength far exceeds that of all other Ming officials. His desire for peace talks is probably more urgent than anyone's." Xu Ke picked up the thread. "This kidnapping incident, tracing it to its root cause, was also meant to leverage the situation toward peace. It's just that he was led astray by his subordinates. So, in truth, the groundwork of public opinion in the court and the Emperor's inclination already exist. However..."

Two enormous obstacles remained. First, the Emperor's dignity had to be handled with care—though treating funerals as celebrations was normally no difficult feat for the bureaucratic apparatus. The critical problem arose from the second obstacle: factional strife.

Factional disputes at the end of Ming had reached their peak under Chongzhen's mentality of "despising cliques above all else." Any policy became ammunition for political enemies to attack, reaching a state where "one asks not right or wrong, only which side you're on." Once a matter as momentous as "peace talks" was proposed, it would inevitably draw concentrated assaults from the opposing faction. This savage tearing at one another had caused Great Ming to waver on countless major decisions, looking both ahead and behind, generating tremendous internal friction.

Guo Yi, who had maintained his silence until now, asked: "What reason do we have to believe that the Great Ming court will unite behind peace negotiations this time?"

"In truth, we have no ability to control the Great Ming court's decisions," Jiang Shan said. "Perhaps we can influence them, but the final outcome remains unpredictable. The only certainty is that in the not-too-distant future—probably next year—Great Ming will launch a comprehensive punitive expedition against us."

"If peace talks can be facilitated, that would be a good thing," Ran Yao commented. "A pity!"

As chief of the security department, he was particularly enthusiastic about peace talks. War brought not only dividends but also countless social problems. Setting aside the newly recovered counties and prefectures in Guangdong and Guangxi with their complicated public security situations, even the Senate's home base of Hainan Island had experienced no shortage of security problems caused by the war.

On one hand, the newly established local governments desperately needed police personnel; on the other, there was an acute shortage of manpower.

"It would be best if trade could be resumed. Our foreign trade with Ming has contracted severely," Si Kaide said. "Can we employ certain means? For example, eliminating those who oppose..."

The commercial department was equally eager for peace talks. Although numerous channels existed to sell "Australian goods" to the mainland, the "illegal" status meant such trade often incurred many additional costs.

"It's not impossible, but hoping to turn the situation around by killing a few people would likely prove very difficult—and Great Ming civil officials are notoriously stubborn..."

"Forcing peace through war isn't out of the question!" Xu Ke declared. "We cannot conduct purely defensive operations. That approach won't truly hurt the enemy. We must deliver a few ruthless blows, let the Great Ming monarch and ministers feel viscerally the danger of national subjugation without peace talks—then they won't haggle over matters of face and will sit down to negotiate. For example, we could land directly at Tianjin and fight our way to the Capital!"

"Arrange a 'Convention of Beijing'? That's one approach."

"I'm afraid Chongzhen won't be as flexible in his posturing as Xianfeng."

"The military has also raised this proposal. But the scope is too vast; it will likely require a full Senate discussion before any resolution can be reached..."

...

Opinions proliferated in the conference room. Everyone offered advice and suggestions on how to compel Great Ming to negotiate peace.

"After all, we are not omnipotent. Some matters still depend on how events develop." Jiang Shan interrupted the heated discussion. "Next, we invite Comrade Xu Ke of the Reconnaissance General Bureau to brief us on matters related to the Shi Weng group in this operation."

Everyone perked up with interest. Over the years, the Shi Weng group had become a persistent nuisance buzzing around the Senate's head. Though it couldn't cause significant damage, it was thoroughly irritating. Moreover, the question of suspected transmigrators within the Shi Weng group had troubled everyone.

Xu Ke immediately explained, point by point, the situation involving the Shi Weng group in this operation.

"...We have ample reason to believe that this suspected transmigrator, Mr. Le, is the most critical figure in the entire Shi Weng group. With his capture, the Shi Weng group will no longer pose a major threat to us in the future."

"Is he a transmigrator or not? If so, how did he arrive here?" Shalina was keenly interested in this person's identity and asked her first question of the meeting.

"Regarding his specific identity, we have no way of knowing at present. However, he has been handed over to comrades at the Political Security Bureau. I'm confident the truth will emerge soon. As for how he arrived—if he truly is a transmigrator—I believe it's likely the same phenomenon as Lando."

Hearing that the Political Security Bureau was handling this matter, Shalina raised her eyebrows with evident distaste. But she controlled her emotions well and pressed on: "If he is, what position will the Senate take?"

"That matter is covered by relevant General Assembly resolutions," Xu Ke replied evasively.

"I feel that if he truly is a transmigrator, it would present a very troublesome complication," Ran Yao said slowly. He asked: "Xu Ke, you mentioned in previous reports that he's Cantonese..."

"Correct. From a village just outside Guangzhou."

"Very well. Suppose he is a transmigrator, and he arrived in the suburbs of Guangzhou. If we reference the situation of Lando and his group being swept into the space-time storm at Dongsha—what does this imply?" Ran Yao continued. "It means that, centering on our transmigration location in the Qiongzhou Strait, space-time teleportation may have occurred within hundreds of kilometers of the surrounding area!"

"You mean there might be more than just these few space-time transmigrators?!" Jiang Shan shivered.

"It's entirely possible! Lando and Heier can be explained as coincidence. But if another one appears... how else can we explain it?"

"Good Heavens!"

Everyone present felt uneasy at this prospect. None of these individuals had proven easy to deal with. If more emerged, the Senate would face endless complications.

"Should we propose to the Senate that we conduct a large-scale screening for suspected transmigrators in the Guangdong and Hainan regions?"

Guo Yi cleared his throat and said: "I don't think everyone needs to be so alarmed. First, whether Mr. Le is actually a transmigrator remains unconfirmed. His knowledge of the old space-time may not necessarily come from the old space-time itself. This conclusion is best made after the interrogation results are in. Second, it has been more than ten years since our transmigration. Our intelligence sources have become quite extensive, no longer limited to a corner of the southeast. If such people truly exist, an awl in a bag must eventually show its point. Yet we've received no such reports. This suggests a high probability that no other transmigrators exist. And even taking a step back—even if they do exist, having made not a ripple in all these years, either their abilities are mediocre or they harbor no ambitions. Neither constitutes a serious concern."

These words calmed everyone's emotions somewhat. Guo Yi continued:

"Monitoring for other transmigrators is certainly one focus of our intelligence and security agencies, but it should not consume our primary efforts. Otherwise, this objective becomes too vast, and inevitably carries the taint of chasing shadows."

Jiang Shan nodded slightly, thinking that Comrade Guo possessed considerable insight. Indeed, expending serious resources to trace "suspected transmigrators" without any leads would be an enormous waste. Moreover, even if such individuals were found, what then? They couldn't assume "potential danger" and eliminate them preemptively; that would be too cruel.

"I agree with Comrade Guo Yi's assessment. Currently, our most pressing task remains confirming the origins of this Zhou Lezhi, while simultaneously extracting intelligence on the inner workings of the Shi Weng group."

(End of Chapter)