Chapter 114: The Housing Allocation Controversy

“Li Xiaolu, the landscape and environmental design is up to you. It doesn’t matter if it costs more money, it has to be grand and comfortable,” Mei Wan then assigned the task.

“Okay,” she nodded. “People who live in apartments need a place to rest the most. If the engineering budget is guaranteed, I have a ready-made plan.”

Her plan was to dig an artificial lake on one side of Bairen New City, and then use an artificial river to surround the entire Bairen New City. Using artificial water features to replace defensive facilities such as city walls and moats could not only achieve a better defense effect, but also create a good landscape effect after greening and environmental arrangement.

The implementation plan and outline for the veteran residential area were discussed at an enlarged meeting of the Executive Committee and were approved.

Although it was passed unanimously, some executive committee members “reserved their opinions” at the meeting.

“This matter can only be said to be an exception,” Cheng Dong said at the meeting. “Because we have just established a budget and final accounts system. There is no budget table for this year. Starting next year, we must strictly enforce the budget system and cannot add large-scale construction projects at will.”

Yan Ming said, “Our planning for infrastructure is still not enough, and the planning scheme is too rough. There are too many temporary additions. If this continues, not only will we not be able to make a budget, but we will not even be able to estimate the total amount of currency issued.”

The planning of industry and transportation was not something that a group of laymen could easily grasp, so it was common to see a situation of treating the symptoms but not the root cause in construction. This was difficult for the finance and financial departments, which controlled the budget, to tolerate—it meant that the finance department would never know how much the investment amount for the year was.

“This is inevitable!” Wu De said. “The situation and the external conditions are constantly changing. It is impossible for us to operate according to the budget step by step. We cannot blindly copy the concepts of the old time-space.”

The economic and financial situation of the Lin Gao Group was more like a state of war, with many emergencies and uncontrollable factors. It was very difficult to operate completely according to the financial budget.

Ma Qianzhu said, “As long as we have usable materials, food, and manpower in our hands, there is no problem with starting any project. There is no need to be picky about the rules and regulations in this regard. We must also oppose dogmatism.”

Cheng Dong’s face became very unpleasant, and the atmosphere at the meeting was once stiff.

Wen Desi said, “I think we can just handle it as a supplementary budget case. As they say, there is no small matter when it comes to the interests of the masses. Even if it creates a deficit, it is justified—the final decision is still in the hands of the Senate. As long as they think it’s okay.”

Because the call for independent housing was very loud in the Senate, it was impossible for the Executive Committee not to approve it. In the end, the implementation outline for this new residential area was sent to the Executive Committee and was quickly approved, and then sent to the Senate for review. To avoid offending people by doing a thankless job, Xiao Zishan simply handed over the discussion of the specific implementation details to the Senate.

The issue of housing allocation was of great importance and could easily lead to “love-hate relationships.” Therefore, the standing committee members of the Senate specially set up a temporary organization: the “Housing Allocation Committee.”

For the members of the Housing Allocation Committee, everyone elected Shan Liang, the “revolutionary party” member who had been the most prominent in the “maid revolution,” to be the chairman to preside over this matter.

In fact, they had used the “right of association” that Du Wen had won for them to secretly organize an organization. They had agreed that the three of them would coordinate their actions in the Senate, promote democratic ideas, advocate for limiting the power of the Executive Committee, and ultimately achieve the goal of “political reform”—to completely abolish the executive committee system and establish a true system of separation of powers.

The three of them agreed in a secret meeting that Shan Liang would act as the radical on a daily basis, and all the public-facing matters would be handled by him. Cheng Mo would be the support personnel, and Sun Li would actively participate in the activities of the Senate, appearing with a neutral and moderate face.

Shan Liang had originally hoped to gather a group of comrades who were “restricting the power of the Executive Committee and promoting ‘political reform’” by forming an association, but Cheng Mo believed that it was better for him to appear as an “independent dissident.”

“This way, it’s not easy to get involved in partisan issues. Once there are partisan issues, it’s easy for people to find fault,” Cheng Mo advised him. “If you maintain an independent and maverick attitude, it will be easier for everyone to believe you.”

“You fought for the life secretaries for the veterans back then. We’re counting on you for the housing allocation this time,” the veterans said privately to Shan Liang and the others.

“We will definitely handle this matter well!” Shan Liang said. He was secretly happy—he had just returned from his rotation in Sanya for a vacation, and he had been tanned black in Sanya, “almost like an Indian.” When he arrived in Lin Gao, he had no time to rest before he was sent to train and prepare for war. He was very suspicious that the Executive Committee was retaliating against him. After the great victory at Chengmai, Shan Liang took advantage of the dissatisfaction of some people in the financial and economic departments with the war to stir up trouble in the Senate, trying to launch an impeachment against the army.

After this proposal failed, Shan Liang was struggling to find a suitable topic to expand his influence, and the matter of housing allocation came to him. Although this matter could not strike a blow against the Executive Committee, it could expand the role of the Senate.

Cheng Mo said, “It is precisely because we are constantly making trouble—reminding the veterans what kind of power they have—that the Executive Committee is willing to delegate power. Otherwise, they will once again be clever and decide everything for us.”

“That’s right. If you weren’t an independent, why would the veterans have chosen you?” Cheng Mo said. “The key is to take this opportunity to expand your influence. To be a party without being a party.”

“Hmm, a party without being a party,” Shan Liang nodded, deeply agreeing.

After becoming the chairman of the committee, Shan Liang immediately began to work on the issue of housing allocation for the veterans. First, he learned from the various problems and disputes that had arisen in the previous allocation of life secretaries, and the committee wisely decided to continue to follow the idea of monetary welfare this time. A housing allowance would be given to each person.

This involved the issue of housing prices and land—everyone’s current dormitory was different, and this time the houses were clearly “property-right houses,” which meant they had title deeds.

Since there were title deeds, the Senate began a fierce debate on whether to handle two certificates or just one. In the end, it was decided that since the private ownership of land was recognized, the existence of land deeds was still necessary.

Next, the veterans had a series of discussions on issues such as the nature of the land and land prices. Finally, it was determined that the land price would be based on the market, and the house price would be calculated according to the construction cost.

“If we are still exploited by real estate developers in the new time-space, it would be too terrible,” a veteran said.

“The problem is that land prices have also risen a lot,” another veteran complained.

The price of urban construction land in Lin Gao had already risen a lot during Dongmen Chuiyu’s era. After Li Mei took over Dongmen Market, commerce became more and more prosperous, and the land prices around Bairen City rose even faster—Ma Qianzhu was afraid that the excessively high land prices would scare away foreign investors and asked the Ministry of Commerce to start drafting a price-limiting policy.

After some consultation and soliciting many opinions, the Housing Allocation Committee decided that the veteran subsidy would be equivalent to the total price of the land and property of a medium-sized unit. As for whether to buy a large or small unit, the veterans would decide for themselves and pay the difference for any excess area. Regardless of whether they bought a large or small unit, each veteran was limited to one purchase to avoid repeated purchases and waste. Those who were unwilling to buy could choose not to.

“In that case, the family and couple units will be too profitable. The Ming family can buy four sets!” A veteran believed that families with a large population were taking too much advantage.

“In that case, the land area occupied is too much. The families that occupy more can completely profit from real estate!”

A veteran proposed that couple and family units should receive housing subsidies according to the family unit, not according to the individual:

“A couple should receive a subsidy equivalent to the price of a large unit! A family unit can be given a subsidy for two medium-sized units.”

Some also proposed that the underage children in a veteran’s family should be given a small subsidy at a discount, rather than “a whole house.”

These proposals were of course resolutely opposed by the couple and family veterans. They and another group of veterans believed that restricting the purchase area of couple and family units violated the concept of “all veterans are equal.”

Thus, a stalemate ensued. The opinions from all sides went back and forth, and the debate was very fierce. Cheng Mo proposed a suggestion.

“I have a very simple solution. Announce that this house belongs to the veteran’s permanent and hereditary property, and it cannot be sold or transferred without the permission of the Senate.”

With this arrangement, although the single veterans still seemed to be at a disadvantage, the veterans who were qualified to own multiple houses lost the opportunity to profit from the extra houses and would also lose interest in buying more area.

But this proposal was still opposed by many people: if it could not be sold or transferred, what was the point of buying a house?

After much thought, Shan Liang finally proposed a completely opposite idea:

“I think this housing allocation should be handled according to the idea of allocating dormitories,” he said. “We shouldn’t add concepts like property rights.”

Bairen New City was essentially a residence in the Kremlin or Zhongnanhai. From any point of view, it could not be sold or rented to the common people.

For a house that could not be listed on the market, stipulating property rights, prices, and so on had no value at all. It was actually just a veteran’s dormitory. Compared to the previous simple dormitories, it was just a bit larger, with better privacy, and could accommodate a life secretary. Everyone could enjoy some private pleasure.

“In that case, we don’t need to own the property rights of the house at all. Did Stalin own the property rights of his residence in the Kremlin?” As long as there were no property rights, the issue of benefits would not be so sharp.

Shan Liang’s plan was to allocate housing according to need, for single veterans, childless couple veterans, and family veterans with children.

Single veterans would enjoy small units. Couple veterans would enjoy medium-sized units, and family veterans with underage children would enjoy large units.