Chapter Sixty: The Battle Plan

“So he’s going to deal with Liu Xiang soon.”

“Luckily, Liu Xiang is acting as a buffer. Otherwise, dealing with the behemoth that is Zheng Zhilong would be quite tricky.”

But this also basically confirmed that Zheng Zhilong would not provide assistance to Wang Zunde’s campaign of suppression. The Guangdong authorities could only rely on their own forces, which greatly reduced the military pressure on Lingao.

“These are a few military intelligence reference pamphlets compiled by the Foreign Intelligence Bureau based on existing materials, for everyone’s reference.”

Wang Ding then distributed the pamphlets. They were titled “Guangdong Ming Army Designations and Garrison Distribution,” “List of Ming Army Officers in Guangdong Above the Rank of Company Commander,” “Illustrated Handbook of Ming Army Weapons and Equipment and Their Main Performance - Army (and Navy) Volumes,” “A Brief Overview of Ming Army Organization,” and “Tactical Characteristics of the Ming Army.”

These pamphlets were partly compiled from historical records and research materials from various dynasties, and partly from scattered intelligence collected from various channels since D-Day. The sources for the latter were very wide-ranging, including specialized military intelligence collection from the Guangzhou and Leizhou stations, and information extracted from the daily reports of the Qiwei Escort Agency. The most valuable information came from the interrogation records of Ming army deserters and the clerks of the county yamen’s military affairs office, as well as the military affairs archives in the county yamen’s repository, which contained a lot of official, first-hand information.

Wang Ding and others also took the trouble to visit Lin Shenhe. In the warehouse of the Weapons Research Institute, various samples of cold and hot weapons used by the Ming army and pirates were piled up in categories. From the very beginning, Lin Shenhe had consciously salvaged many captured Ming dynasty weapons from the steel mill. After cleaning and oiling, they were preserved. He also specifically wrote to the Executive Committee to get a test field to test the power of the captured Ming dynasty weapons.

This power test not only tested firearms, but also cold weapons such as spears, bows and arrows, and swords. It also tested the lethality against armored and unarmored personnel.

Lin Shenhe’s only regret was the lack of ballistic gelatin. As for using livestock as targets, the canteen would definitely not agree. No one liked meat that was torn to pieces and smelled of rust. So he had to use things like clay as a substitute.

Without these on-site test data, and relying only on the contradictory and even scientifically unfounded descriptions in historical records, the pamphlet on the performance of Ming army weapons could not have been compiled.

Everyone who received it found it very convenient. Especially the officers who had served in the PLA were no strangers to this kind of pamphlet. It was a simple and effective way to understand the enemy.

“This kind of pamphlet is very good! You’ve done a good thing,” He Ming nodded in affirmation.

Seeing the smiles on the faces of He Ming, Chen Haiyang, and others, Wang Ding knew that the all-night work of the Foreign Intelligence Bureau recently had not been in vain. At least the military had a certain degree of recognition for their intelligence work.

“Alright, let’s speculate on the Ming army’s specific military actions,” He Ming said. “And then draw up a few contingency plans.”

Dongmen Chuiyu stood up with a beaming face. Since he was transferred to the General Staff, he had quickly become the secretary-general in charge of the daily work of the General Staff—the position of Chief of the General Staff was too important, and it was not good to appoint anyone, so it was now vacant.

Dongmen Chuiyu had originally sought the position of Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, but this position also seemed too prestigious, so he became the secretary-general instead, presiding over the joint meetings. He was also in fact serving as a staff officer.

“Gentlemen. If the Ming army is to launch a military attack on Lingao, the most likely mode of operation is a simultaneous land and sea attack.” He pulled back the map curtain behind him, revealing a large-scale map of northern Hainan.

Judging from the training and equipment level of the Ming army, to mobilize tens of thousands of troops, they would have to carry a large amount of weapons and supplies—not to mention in the 17th century, even in the 20th century, a large-scale landing with supplies in the face of the enemy was a very difficult and risky operation to organize. Given the organizational level and fighting will of the Ming army, a full-scale assault landing at Bopu was definitely not going to happen.

The most stable and likely method was for the various forces to cross the sea in batches to Qiongshan County to assemble their forces. After the troops were assembled and rested, the main force would advance along the coast. The navy would sail along the coast, advancing by both land and sea, supporting each other. No matter who commanded the attack this time, this would be the general approach.

And the Ming army’s concentration point would inevitably be in Qiongshan County. Not only did this place have a large port for troop transport, but it was also the main garrison base and administrative center of the Ming government in Hainan, making coordination more convenient.

“Will the enemy come from the direction of Danzhou? The Ming likes to play the game of multi-pronged attacks.”

“That’s a possibility,” Dongmen Chuiyu said. “Danzhou has a government granary in Hainan. If they send troops from there, it can reduce the amount of grain they need to store in advance and lighten the logistical pressure.”

Ancient armies often used the tactic of dividing their forces for a combined attack, advancing on multiple fronts. This was not only for strategic and tactical considerations, but also to a large extent to reduce the difficulty of organization and supply for the march.

“In addition, Lingao has to pay more than 2,000 shi of grain to Danzhou every year, which shows that the garrison households in Danzhou still have a considerable number and a certain degree of combat effectiveness,” Wang Ding reminded everyone. “We cannot but consider that the Ming army may carry out a certain degree of mobilization of the garrisons in Danzhou to expand the scale of the Danzhou force.”

“Hmm, so we also have to deal with the enemy from the direction of Danzhou. The Gaoshanling area only has one garrison company and one fortress artillery company,” He Ming said, flipping through his notebook. “How many men can the enemy in the direction of Danzhou mobilize?”

Dongmen Chuiyu said: “That depends on how many Guangdong troops the Ming government plans to transport to Danzhou. If they only conscript local garrison households, it will be at most 500 men.”

“If the Ming general is planning to live off the land, then the number of troops transported to Danzhou will not be too small,” He Ming said. “According to the intelligence department, the Ming will mobilize 20,000 to 30,000 men. At least 3,000 to 4,000 will be transported to Danzhou.”

Adding the locally mobilized garrison troops, that would be 5,000 men. This force would be enough to cause chaos along the way. If the Transmigration Group had to fight on two fronts, its forces would be a bit stretched.

Dongmen Chuiyu said: “I propose that the navy establish a blockade line and directly intercept this force. If the Guangdong army wants to cross the sea to Danzhou, they must pass through the Qiongzhou Strait. We don’t even need to leave Lingao to intercept them in the Denglongjiao sea area. We can directly capture this entire force.”

“This matter will be handled by the navy,” He Ming noted in his notebook and asked Chen Haiyang, “Does the navy have any difficulties?”

“No, but the navy cannot guarantee that all the enemy will be captured. If the enemy disobeys, we will have to sink a few ships as a warning.”

“Where will the blockade line be set?”

“It will be set in the waters west of the Leizhou Peninsula to Danzhou. We will need to dispatch two special boat squadrons for day and night patrols. Another fast sailing boat patrol squadron will be on standby in the port to be ready for reinforcements at any time,” Chen Haiyang said. “We can’t just patrol near Denglongjiao. The Ming army may also march on land to Leizhou and board ships there—so we will need to use more ships.” He studied the map carefully. “If the local authorities in Leizhou can provide information on the sea crossing, it will be much easier—we can just block the port.”

“I don’t think that’s a problem. Our system in Leizhou should be able to do it,” Li Yan said.

Bei Wei said: “Leave this matter to the Special Reconnaissance Team—this is a military reconnaissance mission, our specialty. The Special Reconnaissance Team guarantees to complete the mission.”

“The enemy in the direction of Danzhou is only a possibility,” He Ming said. “This threat will be handled by the navy and the Special Reconnaissance Team.”

Next was a discussion of a topic that had been hotly debated in the Senate: whether to take the initiative to attack outside the borders or to fight a defensive counterattack on a pre-set position.

On this issue, not only was the Senate divided, but there were also different opinions within the military.

The majority advocated for defensive operations on pre-set positions. Their main reasons were:

The highest-ranking officer in the army had only been a company commander in the PLA. No one had experience with a war of this scale, and there would inevitably be many problems with command and dispatch. Defense was relatively easier than offense.

Secondly, the soldiers were well-trained but had little combat experience. They needed to be tested by fire. When facing an enemy with a numerical advantage, the defending side had an easier time organizing the battle, and the psychological pressure on the soldiers was much smaller. More importantly, they could use a defensive victory to boost the soldiers’ confidence.

After a defensive victory, it would be easier to maintain order in the rear during the pursuit—a defensive victory would greatly encourage the people who were sympathetic to the Transmigrationists, deter hostile elements, and make the wavering part of the population side with the Transmigrationists.

Finally, the strategy of defending first and then counterattacking was very much in line with the usual thinking of the Celestial Empire of “not firing the first shot,” “the provocation is not on my side,” and “what is unbearable is unbearable.” The Transmigrationists would gain a moral advantage. In terms of propaganda, they could vigorously publicize that what the Transmigrationists were doing in Lingao was not like the pirates who plagued the area, but rather they were fighting pirates and evil gentry, developing production, taking in refugees to stabilize society, and could be said to be a model for the gentry. To be suppressed for this was completely unreasonable. This would lay a good foundation for expanding their own power in the future.

“Given the scale, organization, and road conditions of the Ming army in Hainan, the enemy’s advance route can only be along the post road, county by county. This way, they can more easily obtain supplies along the way. The march will also be more convenient—after all, the Ming army will be carrying a large amount of supplies and firearms, and will have certain requirements for the roads.” Dongmen Chuiyu pointed to the large map. “We have the advantage of being able to choose the battlefield at will. As long as we choose a terrain on the post road between Qiongshan and Lingao that is advantageous for our weapons, we can even carry out battlefield construction in advance, digging trenches, building bastions, and even transporting heavier artillery to the position. The advantage is very obvious.”

Unexpectedly, Dongmen Chuiyu’s grand theory was immediately refuted by the director of the armored corps, Bai Yu. Not only did he refute it, but he also first gave Dongmen a hat of defeatism.

“We know the Ming army’s attack route, and we have the advantage of radio and maps. We should use our mobility advantage to concentrate our forces and defeat the enemy one by one. Some can even be defeated at the mouth of the Pearl River, fully demonstrating our army’s technological superiority. Our army does not have experience in decisive battles, but our soldiers are well-trained, well-fed, and commanded by modern military talent. A defensive battle is not necessarily easy. The enemy is more than five times our number. A purely defensive stance will only lower our morale. Finally, ‘fighting pirates and evil gentry, developing production, taking in refugees to stabilize society’ is evidence of rebellion—this is called ‘winning the hearts of the people,’ which is even more detestable to the Ming government than burning, killing, and raping.”

His argument was: the Transmigration Group was in a position of absolute superiority, and should definitely take the initiative to attack to seize the initiative on the battlefield. In a situation where the enemy and our forces were seriously disparate, seizing the initiative was even more important. A defensive battle was actually a passive battle for the weaker side, and it demanded more from the soldiers and put them under greater pressure than an offensive.

Not taking the initiative to attack and waiting for the enemy to come was not a moral advantage but a weakness. The Lingao authorities could take care of the interests of the vast majority of the people under their rule, which was the greatest moral advantage. The Transmigration Group must show its strength and its ability and determination to protect the people under its rule in order to lay a good foundation for future development.

Finally, he strongly demanded that after the annihilation of the Ming army, Guangzhou should be bombarded. If there was enough explosives, it would be best to blow up a section of the city wall to give the officials and gentry a sufficient shock.

The two sides engaged in a series of debates on this issue, discussing everything from military tactics to political heights and economic construction.

Those who favored meeting the enemy outside the borders had another concern: a defensive counterattack was certainly safe, but what about the infrastructure that had already been built in Lingao? Farmland, water conservancy, roads, and telephone poles could not be defended. If the government army carried out large-scale destruction of the infrastructure during its advance, not to mention the loss of facilities and materials—the hearts of the people would probably be unstable, which would be extremely detrimental to post-war reconstruction.

Chen Haiyang was not enthusiastic about a decisive battle outside the borders either. He said:

“I doubt the ability of our army to fight a decisive battle outside our borders at present: the navy lacks enough large ships, and its long-range attack and projection capabilities are insufficient. If the Ming army’s assembly point on the mainland is in the Pearl River Delta, rather than the Leizhou Peninsula or Hainan Island, the army we send out will be able to inflict heavy casualties on the enemy, but unless we send troops to plunder the surrounding areas, our personnel captures and material gains will be relatively limited. This is the first problem.

“Secondly, fighting on the mainland requires higher demands on our intelligence, logistics, and army organization. This is our first large-scale operation. It’s not out of the question to be a little more conservative and let them land on Hainan, and then completely annihilate the invading enemy.”

He pointed to the map board:

“I believe that the Ming army, for various reasons, will set up its assembly point in the area of Qiongzhou Prefecture city—this was also speculated in the General Staff’s previous operational plan. In that case, we don’t need to let the enemy enter Lingao. Instead, we should take the opportunity when they have finished assembling in Qiongshan, and attack with both land and sea forces at the same time, annihilating them in one fell swoop. As for whether to actively attack the city or to set up positions outside Qiongshan County to lure the enemy to attack, that’s easy to handle.

“If the Ming army assembles in Qiongshan County, it will inevitably cause a lot of trouble for the local area, but they are still the official army, so they won’t do things like burning, killing, and raping. The damage to the local area will not be too great. We can then take over without large-scale post-war work, and we can also score a point in public opinion. In addition,” he said, “I personally prefer to take the initiative to attack, rather than setting up defenses and waiting for the enemy—when the Ming army is at the gates of the city, and the soldiers see the black mass of the army with no way to retreat, the pressure on them will be even greater. If you let them take the initiative to attack, the pressure will be much smaller. As long as they have a clash and see that the other side is just a bunch of chickens and dogs, the pressure will naturally disappear.”

Chen Haiyang’s proposal was approved by the majority. The final operational plan was: the navy would establish a blockade line in the Qiongzhou Strait to prevent the enemy from entering the waters of Lingao and prevent them from directly landing troops in Lingao for harassment operations.

The army would send out small units and the Special Reconnaissance Team to conduct interdiction operations in the direction of Qiongshan, preventing the enemy’s reconnaissance cavalry and small units from entering the vicinity of Lingao.

After the enemy’s main force had assembled and left Qiongzhou, the navy would first destroy the Ming army’s navy and cut off the connection between the Qiongzhou Strait and the mainland, making it impossible for them to retreat by sea. The army would seek a decisive battle with the enemy’s main force in the field, and if necessary, could use the navy’s warships for maneuver. After eliminating the enemy, they would take advantage of the victory to capture Qiongzhou Prefecture city.

Wei Aiwen then stood up to speak: “I have no objection to the operational plan itself. But I hope that the planned operation will be a fair and square decisive battle: at a time and place of our choosing, we will fight a beautiful and great battle—and the whole process will be filmed and broadcast repeatedly in the future—this is a political battle, to let everyone understand our power. Especially for our soldiers—many of them still do not realize what the weapons in their hands mean. Centuries of habit will make them think that the people cannot fight against the officials. Even if their weapons are powerful, if they have not truly practiced it, they will have a revolutionary change in their consciousness.”

After the operational plan was drawn up, the General Staff and the Foreign Intelligence Bureau held a consultation. The two sides decided to send out two joint military reconnaissance teams to conduct a staff tour. The focus was on a comprehensive investigation of the terrain, passes, key roads, towns, and garrisons along the Qiongshan-Lingao line. This information had been collected in the past, and this time it was a review.

In addition, the reconnaissance team would conduct a comprehensive survey and evaluation of the possible assembly points of the Ming army and the possible locations for a decisive battle, and prepare relevant contingency plans. At the same time, in order to find out how many ports along the Qiongshan-Lingao coast could be used by ships to dock, and to measure the hydrological conditions, the naval intelligence officer Xu Ke would lead another reconnaissance team to conduct a survey.

“In addition, we need to replenish our existing troops,” He Ming said. “At present, the army has a large number of vacancies, many auxiliary units are understaffed, and the artillery has even more vacancies. We need to temporarily conscript personnel to supplement them. However, this involves mobilization issues and must be coordinated with the Government Affairs Council.”